Sunday, January 18, 2009

Will All Be Well, And End Well, In Estonia?



Well, there doesn't seem to much room for doubt at this point does there, the Baltic Economies are in the van of the European economic slowdown for 2009, just as they were leading the charge up in 2007, and all that debate about whether we were going to get a hard landing or a soft one seems now so out of date and and old hat as we watch how Estonia's economy contracts almost faster than the body of the incredible shrinking man (by an annual 3.5% in the third quarter of 2008), while Latvia's seems to be rivalling Harry Houdini in the expert art of staged disappearance (dropping as it did by an annual 4.6% in Q3). Even Lithuania's economy - which like a half drunken man still manages to stagger forward before it finally gets to fall over - is now expected by IMF regional representative Christoph Rosenberg to be set to contract an annual 2% in 2009. As Rosenberg so pointedly says "Latvia had the highest growth rate in the EU for several years, but it was a bubble."





The only slightly worrying thing about all the belated acceptance that the Baltics are going to have one of the hardest landings in the global economy this time round is the apparent collective failure to do the ritual "soul searching", and address the tricky issue of just what it was in the original analyses which lead so many to place such trust in the good intentions of the Nordic Banks and in the consequent probability of a soft landing, since the danger is now that we simply get misplaced policy piled upon well-meaning but misplaced policy in an attempt to address problems whose roots (which I am convinced are located to some extent at least in the regions rather peculiar demography) are quite simply left untackled. That is, we remain stuck on the currency pegs, we continue to count on the goodwill of the Nordic Banks, we expect wages and prices to exhibit a downward flexibility not seen, for example, in a comparable country like Portugal, whilst over at Eesti Pank (the Estonian National Bank) they still expect the recovery to begin in 2010 (in rather stark contrast to the much more realistic assessment for the US economy from the Congressional Budget Office - who don't expect the US recovery to really get underway till 2012, and don't see trend growth being reached till 2015). If they were serious about seeing through the correction in terms of allowing a long and painful downward adjustment in living standards to take place as the favoured alternative to devaluation, then they would realise that this process would really only be getting itself going in 2010, let alone be over - so why, oh why, I ask myself, do people in the Baltics insist on trying to view things through such rosy tinted spectacles? The main ones hurt by all this at the end of the day are those very people we are all, I am sure, trying so hard to help.

The Estonian economy should start to recover by 2010, according to the nation's central bank.Although Eesti Pank expects the country's gross domestic product to fall by 4.48 per cent in 2009, growth could be experienced in as little as 12 months, reports Baltic Business News.

The Future is In Exports

Basically the future outlook for the Estonian economy lies in exports. This simple point should not be so hard to grasp, since it can be easily deduced from one fundamental structural aspect of the Estonian economy: the presence of a fairly large current account deficit (which admittedly is not as large as the Latvian one, but the fact that others are even worse off is somehow cold comfort here) which now needs correcting. In fact, as we can see in the chart below, the correction has already started.





But what the correction means is that domestic demand will have to contract - to make space for the export oriented activity - since it has basically been the excess of domestic demand in relation to the economy's capacity to meet it which has been at the heart of the process which has produced the deficit. Effectively Estonian's need to consume less, or pay for more of what they consume by exporting, there really is no third alternative here, and the reality is that the way to "correct" the current account imbalance problem is more than likely going to be by a combination of these two paths, Estonians are going to consume less and they are going to export more, as the latest economic forecast from Eesti Pank timidly admits:

A new upward cycle highly depends on the reallocation of labour to sectors with stronger productivity growth...........Possibly, the new cycle will require part of the workforce currently serving domestic demand to be reallocated to export oriented sectors. Otherwise Estonia’s economy might be facing a long period of slow growth. It should also be said that in some cases a new job may entail smaller wages, although households are not really prepared for that.

I think it is possible to be a bit more specific and explicit than Eesti Pank on all of this: the new cycle will (certainly, definitely) require part of the workforce currently serving domestic demand to be reallocated to export oriented sectors, and in almost all cases a new job will entail smaller wages (and indeed existing jobs will have to accept wage reductions), since this is quite simply what maintaining the krona-euro peg entails - if you don't devalue, then you need to reduce wages and prices to achieve the same result. Of course, as the bank notes, "households are not really prepared for that".

Basically Estonia (and most other CEE economies) have been running large CA deficits due to the insufficiency of domestic savings to meet the principal lending and borrowing needs, so the first thing Estonians are going to need to do (and not for one year, or two years, for several years, I hardly see the structural position of the Estonian economy being better than the US one at this point, so we are talking about a correction which can run all the way through to 2015, and while we may have some sort of idea what US trend growth may be in 2015 - the famous 2% - we have no idea at all what trend growth could be in Estonia at that point, but certainly a lower than many imagine).

Another reason Estonians need to save can be seen in the chart blow, and that is the divergence between the evolution of the trade balance (which is improving) and the income balance, which continues to deteriorate. Basically the income balance reflects the difference in interest paid on loans (and dividends paid on equities) between outsiders investing in Estonia, and Estonians investing externally. This balance is deteriorating, and this steady deterioration needs to be arrested, since otherwise the achievement of a simple goods and services trade surplus will be of no avail, if all the proceeds are simply sucked out in a negative income stream.


This ongoing correction in the CA deficit is, of course, easily visible in household consumption, which is now year on year negative (see chart), where it will remain as far ahead as the eye can see (this is a simple deduction which comes from the need to save).

At the same time the trade balance is going to have to be turned round, and exports begin to take a leading role, something that they were conspicuously unable to do for many, many quarters, although there is a little evidence from Q3 2008 that the position may have begun to improve. However, as Eesti Panki themselves note, with the worsening external environment this improvement is going to be hard to maintain in the short term.


But I really do think it is important not to fall into fatalism on the export question at this point. Simply because doing anything is hard is not a good reason for sitting there with folded arms and doing nothing. The first step towards recovery will come not from the exports themselves, but from the fixed capital investment (machinery, plant and equipment) which will be undertaken in order to make exports subsequently possible. But to attract the FDI you need to get relative wages and prices competitive, you need to convince would be investors that you are a better destination than your rivals. Sorry, but capitalism is just like that, this is how it runs, and you can't take one part (the bit you like), and ignore the other (the bit you definitely don't like). There is, for better or for worse, a competitive process at the heart of all our economies, and not every situation can be straightforwardly win-win (would that!). So basically, if there do have to be winners and losers here, are you happy for your country and your economy to stay in the second group, and wait and see if eventually a rising tide can lift all boats.

At the present time, as we can see in the chart below, Estonian fixed capital formation is also running at a pretty constant year on year negative, and this is the part Estonia needs to turn round, since without this turnaround the economy will simply not get that productivity boost which again almost everyone agrees forms part of the solution recipe.


So with private consumption falling and investment falling, it isn't hard to understand that even the small increase in govenment spending that Estonia can permit itself is insufficient to stop total domestic demand from falling.



Industrial Output Plummets In November


All of this "macro" level data is of course also reflected in the day-to-day data releases we are seeing, and as might only be expected Estonia’s industrial production fell the most in at least 14 years in November. Output fell 21.7 percent, the most since at least 1995 when the Tallinn-based statistics office started compiling data in this series. This compared with a revised 11.7 percent drop in October.



“The real crisis in its real extent is starting to arrive,” according to Ruta
Eier, an economist with SEB AB in Tallinn. “The slump in demand has been
enormous and is continuing. Such a big fall probably means that export orders
also declined a lot.” Gross domestic product will decline “significantly more”
than the 3.5 percent fall in the third quarter.


Output adjusted for working days was down by an annual 17.7 percent, while manufacturing industry, which is the second-biggest contributor to GDP (second only to the property sector and construction industry) fell a working-day adjusted 25.5 percent, led by a 40 percent fall in the output of building materials and a 30 percent decline in textiles’ production.

Forty-nine percent of Estonias industrial companies said they are planning job cuts in the next three months, according to a recent survey by the Eesti Konjunktuuriinstituut research institute. Company order books were down to 3.4 months of future output in December compared with historic average of 5 months. Capacity usage was down to 67 percent, compared with an 81 percent-average for the European Union as a whole. As we can see in the chart below, it isn't only the year on year readings in recent months which indicate deterioration, the output index peaked around the start of 2008, and is now heading sharply down even below the levels of early 2006.




Companies like seatbelt manufacturer the Swedish subsidiary AS Norma (who have announced plans to cut 52 jobs, or about 6 percent of the workforce) or Dutch office equipment manufacturer Atlanta Office Products BV, a Dutch office supplies maker (who planto close their factory in Kohila, northern Estonia, with the loss of more than 200 jobs) are steadily reducing jobs, possibly the numbers seem small, but do remember Estonia really is a small open economy.

As a result Estonia’s seasonally adjusted unemployment rate rose to 8.3 percent in November from 4.1 percent a year ago, the second- biggest jump in the EU following Spain, according to the latest data release from the EU statistics office, Eurostat. The unemployment rate may rise to 10 percent by next year, according to a worst-case scenario proposed by The Estonian Finance Ministry in November, but it now seem that even that level may now be a significant underestimate, although it really does depend on whether we are referring to the unemployment rate as measured by the Estonia Labour Board methodology or the one the Estonian statistics office supply to Eurostat using the EU harmonised methodology (the Estonian Labour Board number is significantly lower).




Inflation Falling

At the same time Estonia’s inflation rate is falling (if still far to slowly) and hit its lowest level in 16 months in December - 7 percent, the lowest since August 2007 down from 8 percent in November.



So inflation is falling quite fast and is likely to significantly undershoot the central bank forecast of 3.7 percent in 2009. In fact prices fell on the month by 0.2 percent from November. This was largely the result of a sharp fall in fuel prices - down 8.1 percent from the previous month - but food (up 0.5 percent) and administered prices still continue to rise. However, as we can see in the chart below, the general index has now been more or less stable since the summer.


Retail Sales Also Falling Sharply

Estonian retail sales also posted a record decline in November - dropping by an annual 9 percent (the most since the start of the present time series in 1994, following a revised 7 percent drop in October. This drop includes an annual fall in car sales of nearly 50%, while the value of food sales is already falling in prices not adjusted for inflation.


The constant price sales index also peaked at the start of 2008, and it will be a very very long time before we see domestic retail sales hitting this sort of level again, which is another good reason why employment needs to be steadily displaced out of the domestic sector and into the export one.




Exports Still Holding Up In October

According to the latest data we have from Statistics Estonia, October goods exports were up by 13% year on year while imports declined by 3%. Goods to the value of 13.2 billion kroons were exported, 1.5 billion kroons more than in October 2007 - however the growth in exports was largely caused by the increase in the re-exports of fuels - up by nearly one billion kroons.

Imported were down to 15.7 billion kroons - 0.4 billion kroons less than in October 2007. The decline was the result of a decrease in domestic demand with the biggest falls being in the transport equipment and in machinery and equipment sections. As a result of the increase in exports and the decrease in imports the Estonian foreign trade deficit fell to 2.5 billion kroons - 1.9 billion kroons less than in October 2007. If we take account of the increase in re-exports it is evident that the reduction in imports for the domestic market was much sharper than the aggregate 3%.




63% of October exports went to the EU and 17% to CIS countries accounted for 17% of the total exports. The main destination countries were Finland, Russia and Sweden.



The Outlook On The IMF View



"The major policy challenge is the budget. The 2009 budget incorporates a welcome adjustment that required difficult decisions. However, given the deteriorating global outlook, our assessment is that the deficit will likely exceed 3 percent of GDP in 2009 and beyond. This does not present a near-term financing risk given the prudent accumulation of fiscal reserves via surpluses in recent years. But the current fiscal posture is not sustainable going forward. Moreover, it risks breaching the Maastricht fiscal threshold just when inflation is receding. This could delay euro entry, which the authorities rightly consider to be their highest priority. What is needed now is early action to achieve fiscal consolidation.
IMF Staff Mission Statement, December 2008

This is the IMF conclusion as to the short term outlook for Estonia, and the view was confirmed only last week by IMF representative Christophe Rosenberg who said in a Bloomberg interview last week that “Estonia is the least vulnerable of the Baltics because it has big buffers, it’s been running a budget surplus for a number of years now and so there are fiscal assets.”

This view is not entirely confirmed by the latest EU economic sentiment index reading (see chart above) which shows Lithuania still in an apparently better position than Latvia or Estonia, but Christoph's reasoning here is based on his assessment that Lithuania’s economy is about to “decline sharply” and I am hardly in any position to dispute his view here (nor would I wish to, I simply have not been following Lithuania closely enough). In fact the IMF forecasts that Lithuania's economy may well contract by “at least” 2 percent in 2009, even though Lithuania's central bank’s suggested an expansion of 1.2 percent in their October outlook. But on the one had we all know that the economic outlook in the CEE economies has deteriorated significantly since October - as domestic demand has waned and banks have tightened lending - while "at least" means simply that, the number could well be a lot worse.

“Lithuania is in a more difficult position as GDP growth is predicted to decline
sharply this year and this may create fiscal problems,” Rosenberg said in an
interview conducted on Tuesday in Warsaw.

What the IMF is referring to basically is the fiscal reserve which Estonia has, there is no accumumulated national debt, and indeed the government as net assets to the tune of something like 5% of GDP, so there is a certain leeway to use this money to soften the impact of the correction, although it is important that the country's savings are spent on facilitating the necessary correction and not on postponing it.

As Christoph Rosenberg points out the Baltic problems were created by a soaring wages and a credit boom which saw funds channeled into non-tradable sectors like real estate, retail and banking. As a result these economies became structurally distorted and they didn't diversify enough since insufficient was done to curtail rapid credit growth and to use counter-cyclical fiscal policies to cool the economy off before it was much too late. The danger is that if in the downturn we get the same inability to translate sound economic sense into practical economic policy that we saw during the upcycle, then problems can become worse, a lot worse, without getting any better. That is Estonia's challenge, and if it isn't grasped fully and with both hands then it can just as easily turn into Estonia's tragedy. 12 years from now (ie come 2020) Estonia's population will be much older, and the elderly dependency ratio will be much higher, than it is now. It is also to be imagined that the potential annual GDP growth rate will be comparatively lower, even as the needs for social spending rise and rise. So while Estonia still has a window of opportunity, it is not an indefinite one, and once it closes it won't come back. I think Estonia's citizens would do well to dwell on this point.

Global Economy to Slow in 2009, Pick Up in 2010: Trichet

By: Reuters
The global economy will recover significantly in 2010 from a sharp slowing this year as official steps to boost growth hit home, top central bankers said on Monday.

European Central Bank President Jean-Claude Trichet, who chaired talks on the world economy, said restoring confidence was crucial as emerging markets join the industrialized world in feeling the impact of the financial crisis.

"The global economy will slow down significantly in 2009 with the industrialized economies having negative figures," he said, summing up the talks at the Bank for International Settlements.

Trichet, who also chairs the Group of 10 central bankers from leading economies, said lower oil prices, extra government spending and central bank steps to boost economies would have a positive impact in the longer term.

"That was one of the reasons why we globally have the sentiment that 2010 is the year of the pick-up, a significant pick-up," he said.

Major central banks have slashed interest rates in the last few months and boosted liquidity as the financial market crisis spread and dragged major developed economies, including Japan, the United States and the euro zone, into recession.

The International Monetary Fund predicts global growth this year of just 2.2 percent, down from an estimated 3.7 percent in 2008, and other major institutions have similarly low expectations.

Governments have also raised public spending to support growth, with Britain pledging extra money to help jobs and U.S. President-elect Barack Obama promising to restructure a financial rescue plan to save more families from home foreclosures.

Confidence Key

Trichet said central bank and government action so far had helped to avoid a market "meltdown" but markets had not yet fully taken on board all the measures undertaken and confidence was still lacking.

"In the present situation more than ever confidence is of the essence," he said. "(A) large part of the slowing down that is been observed comes from the confidence channel. It is important for all authorities to do whatever is appropriate to preserve, to reinforce confidence."

In general, central bankers were still keen to make sure inflation expectations remained solidly anchored, he said.

Trichet made no comment on ECB interest rates before a policy meeting on Thursday, when analysts expect the Governing Council to cut euro zone rates -- currently the highest in the Group of Seven -- by another 50 basis points to 2.0 percent.

The U.S. Federal Reserve, which has slashed its rates close to zero, is supplementing cuts with unconventional steps such as buying up assets.

But Trichet said there was no talk of central banks taking coordinated steps in this regard.

Officials attending the talks, who included Fed chairman Ben Bernanke and Bank of Japan Governor Masaaki Shirakawa, also had no discussion about currency exchange rates, although Trichet said this did not imply any contradiction to the G7 official stance.

The January BIS talks were also attended by commercial bank chiefs, as usual for the first meeting of the year, and policymakers from emerging market economies including Brazil, Mexico, India and China.

China's central bank head Zhou Xiaochuan said the world's fourth-largest economy was slowing moderately but the bank was still basing its economic policies on the assumption of 8 percent GDP growth this year.

"It's a moderate slowdown. Certainly we will keep a very good vigilance to prevent a sharp slowdown but up to now I think we can see in comparison with many other countries it is a moderate slowdown," he told reporters at the meetings.


Thursday, January 15, 2009

Prospects for the Global Economy

Outlook summaryTurmoil in financial markets, slower growth in high-income countries, and rising inflation have all adversely affected growth prospects for developing countries over the near term. Most countries have shown impressive resilience in this turbulent environment. Growth in developing countries as a group is expected to moderate slightly, with GDP outturns likely to differ substantially across regions, and vulnerable countries that depend on foreign capital flows likely to experience a sharper slowdown.

Forecast summaryA table summarizing the forecast. More detailed information is available here.
Global growthThe slowdown in the United States and in much of Europe has intensified since the end of 2007, and GDP for the high-income members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) is projected to slow a full percentage point in 2008. Growth in developing countries is projected to slow in 2008, but it will remain well above the average gains of the last two and a half decades. More...
World tradeThe rapid increase in developing country market share over the last fifteen years means that developing countries themselves have become a driving force underlying the global trade cycle, reducing (but certainly not eliminating) the influence of high-income countries. More...
Commodity marketsPrices of internationally traded food commodities are expected to decline from recent record highs but remain strong relative to historical levels. Energy prices are likely to remain at elevated levels; new mandates will increase biofuel use in Europe and the United States, while trade restrictions prevent the full utilization of large potential for ethanol production in Brazil. More...
RisksThe risks to the economic outlook have been elevated by the turmoil that has disrupted financial markets since mid-2007, and they have clearly shifted to the downside, with the key risk being that the deterioration in global economic and financial conditions will become more severe and prolonged. More...
Regional outlooksIn contrast with the high-income countries where GDP growth eased from 3 percent in 2006 to 2.6 percent in 2007, gains for developing countries as a group picked up modestly to 7.8 percent from 7.6 percent in the year. Growth stepped up across all developing regions during 2007, with the exceptions of Europe and Central Asia and South Asia. More...

Permanent URL for this page: http://go.worldbank.org/PF6VWYXS10

THE NEW ECONOMIC GLOBAL ORDER AND ITS EFFECTS ON HIGHER EDUCATION POLICIES

Angela Carvalho de SiqueiraLocation: http://tede.ibict.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=67
Using a historical approach, this dissertation analyzes what isbeing called the new economic global order, or neo-liberalism, and examines its effects on higher education policies. It begins with a discussion of neoliberal economic principles, their antecedents and contradictions, and shows the various strategies through which rich groups achieved government support and became each time more wealthy,pressuring to be freed from government control and socialresponsibility.It is argued that in the new economic global order, based onextreme individualism, competition, concentration of money, and a supposedly scientific-based model of production, knowledge became a privileged instrument for capital accumulation. As a consequence, knowledge and its traditional centers of production, universities, turned out to be objects of desire by rich groups.Within the new economic global order, empowered and unfettered rich groups (wealthy in dividends and firms) are acting to restructure higher education systems, creating low level and cheaper higher education institutions to serve the majority, offering instrumental pieces of knowledge, and creating a false sense of the democratization of knowledge. At the same time, these same groups advocate thatsubstantial knowledge must be developed, managed, controlled, and acquired following market rules and must serve market needs and its for-profit objectives.These new ideas to shape higher education have been introduced by the World Bank, which, along with the International Monetary Fund, was chosen by rich groups to manage the international debt crisis. Using this increased leverage coupled with a process of weakening the UnitedNations, the World Bank supplanted UNESCO as the leading global policymaking agency on education in general, and on higher education in particular.An analysis of policy proposals of both multilateral institutionsshows clear differences, indicating how World Bank proposals are more attuned to market purposes. Moreover, examples of higher education reforms being carried out in three countries: Chile, China and Brazil, show that although reforms are following World Bank guidelines, these reforms are fostering resistance.In conclusion, it is argued that higher education institutionsmust take advantage of the current crisis and try to improve their significance and pertinence to society, reasserting themselves as the watchdog of society by vehemently denouncing the individualistic, excluding, competitive, annihilating features of the new economicglobal order that is widening the social and economic gap anddistressing the world physically, emotionally, and culturally through its for-profit behavior and homogenization bias. This is a call for resistance, to not be guided by the market imperative, but to contribute to the construction of a more sharing, just, cooperative, human, and environmentally friendly world.Belongs to: BDTD Ibict

Macroeconomics


Main article: Macroeconomics

Circulation in macroeconomics
Macroeconomics examines the economy as a whole to explain broad aggregates and their interactions "top down," that is, using a simplified form of general-equilibrium theory.[45] Such aggregates include national income and output, the unemployment rate, and price inflation and subaggregates like total consumption and investment spending and their components. It also studies effects of monetary policy and fiscal policy. Since at least the 1960s, macroeconomics has been characterized by further integration as to micro-based modeling of sectors, including rationality of players, efficient use of market information, and imperfect competition.[46] This has addressed a long-standing concern about inconsistent developments of the same subject.[47] Macroeconomic analysis also considers factors affecting the long-term level and growth of national income. Such factors include capital accumulation, technological change and labor force growth. [48][49]

Growth

World map showing GDP real growth rates for 2007.
Main articles: Economic growth and General equilibrium
Growth economics studies factors that explain economic growth – the increase in output per capita of a country over a long period of time. The same factors are used to explain differences in the level of output per capita between countries. Much-studied factors include the rate of investment, population growth, and technological change. These are represented in theoretical and empirical forms (as in the neoclassical growth model) and in growth accounting.[50][51]

Depression and unemployment
See also: Circular flow of income, Aggregate supply, Aggregate demand, Great Depression, and Unemployment

Inflation and monetary policy
Main articles: Inflation and Monetary policy
See also: Money, Quantity theory of money, Monetary policy, History of money, and Milton Friedman

A 640 BC one-third stater coin from Lydia, shown larger. One of the first standardized coins.

Some different currencies. Exchange rates are determined in currency markets used in international trade.
Money is a means of final payment for goods in most price system economies and the unit of account in which prices are typically stated. It includes currency held by the nonbank public and checkable deposits. It has been described as a social convention, like language, useful to one largely because it is useful to others. As a medium of exchange, money facilitates trade. Its economic function can be contrasted with barter (non-monetary exchange). Given a diverse array of produced goods and specialized producers, barter may entail a hard-to-locate double coincidence of wants as to what is exchanged, say apples and a book. Money can reduce the transaction cost of exchange because of its ready acceptability. Then it is less costly for the seller to accept money in exchange, rather than what the buyer produces.[52]
At the level of an economy, theory and evidence are consistent with a positive relationship running from the total money supply to the nominal value of total output and to the general price level. For this reason, management of the money supply is a key aspect of monetary policy.[53][54]

Fiscal policy and regulation
Main articles: Fiscal policy, Government spending, Regulation, and National accounts
National accounting is a method for summarizing aggregate economic activity of a nation. The national accounts are double-entry accounting systems that provide detailed underlying measures of such information. These include the national income and product accounts (NIPA), which provide estimates for the money value of output and income per year or quarter. NIPA allows for tracking the performance of an economy and its components through business cycles or over longer periods. Price data may permit distinguishing nominal from real amounts, that is, correcting money totals for price changes over time.[55][56] The national accounts also include measurement of the capital stock, wealth of a nation, and international capital flows.[57]

Source : Wikipedia.org

International economics


Main articles: International economics and Economic system
International trade studies determinants of goods-and-services flows across international boundaries. It also concerns the size and distribution of gains from trade. Policy applications include estimating the effects of changing tariff rates and trade quotas. International finance is a macroeconomic field which examines the flow of capital across international borders, and the effects of these movements on exchange rates. Increased trade in goods, services and capital between countries is a major effect of contemporary globalization.[58][59][60]

Comparative advantage
Main articles: Comparative advantage, Gains from trade, Free trade, and Fair trade
David Ricardo, Principles of Political Economy and Taxation

International trade
Main articles: International trade and Free trade
See also: European Union, World Trade Organization, North American Free Trade Agreement, and ASEAN

Poverty and development
Main article: Development economics

World map showing GDP (PPP) per capita.
The distinct field of development economics examines economic aspects of the development process in relatively low-income countries focussing on structural change, poverty, and economic growth. Approaches in development economics frequently incorporate social and political factors.[61][62]
Economic systems is the branch of economics that studies the methods and institutions by which societies determine the ownership, direction, and allocaton of economic resources. An economic system of a society is the unit of analysis. Among contemporary systems at different ends of the organizational spectrum are socialist systems and capitalist systems, in which most production occurs in respectively state-run and private enterprises. In between are mixed economies. A common element is the interaction of economic and political influences, broadly described as political economy. Comparative economic systems studies the relative performance and behavior of different economies or systems.[63][64]

International finance
Main articles: International finance, International Monetary Fund, and World Bank
See also: Sovereign wealth fund
Source : Wikipedia.org

Wednesday, January 14, 2009

Economic development


Overview

source : wikipedia
There are significant differences between economic growth and economic development[citation needed]. The term "economic growth" refers to the increase (or growth) of a specific measure such as real national income, gross domestic product, or per capita income. National income or product is commonly expressed in terms of a measure of the aggregate value-added output of the domestic economy called gross domestic product (GDP). When the GDP of a nation rises economists refer to it as economic growth.

The term economic development on the other hand, implies much more. It typically refers to improvements in a variety of indicators such as literacy rates, life expectancy, and poverty rates. GDP is a specific measure of economic welfare that does not take into account important aspects such as leisure time, environmental quality, freedom, or social justice. Economic growth of any specific measure is not a sufficient definition of economic development.

The University of Iowa's Center for International Finance and Development states that:

"'Economic development' or 'development' is a term that economists, politicians, and others have used frequently in the 20th century. The concept, however, has been in existence in the West for centuries. Modernization, Westernization, and especially Industrialization are other terms people have used when discussing economic development. Although no one is sure when the concept originated, most people agree that development is closely bound up with the evolution of capitalism and the demise of feudalism."[1]

Among other things, the contemporary social scientific study of economic development encompasses broad theories of the causes of industrial-economic modernization plus organizational and related aspects of enterprise development in modern societies. It embraces sociological-type research relating to business organization and enterprise development from a historical and comparative perspective; specific processes of the evolution (growth, modernization) of markets and management-employee relations; and culturally related cross-national similarities and differences in patterns of industrial organization in contemporary Western societies. On the subject of the nature and causes of the considerable variations that exist in levels of industrial-economic growth and performance internationally, it seeks answers to such questions as: "Why are levels of direct foreign investment and labour productivity significantly higher in some countries than in others?"[2]


[edit] Models of economic development

The 3 building blocks of most growth models are: (1) the production function, (2) the saving function, and (3) the labor supply function (related to population growth). Together with a saving function, growth rate equals s/β (s is the saving rate, and β is the capital-output ratio). Assuming that the capital-output ratio is fixed by technology and does not change in the short run, growth rate is solely determined by the saving rate on the basis of whatever is saved will be invested.

[edit] Harrod-Domar Model

The Harrod-Domar Model delineates a functional economic relationship in which the growth rate of gross domestic product (g) depends positively on the national saving ratio (s) and inversely on the national capital/output ratio (k) so that it is written as g = s / k. The equation takes its name from a synthesis of analysis of growth by the British economist Sir Roy F. Harrod and the Polish-American economist Evsey Domar. The Harrod-Domar model in the early postwar times was commonly used by developing countries in economic planning. With a target growth rate, and information on the capital output ratio, the required saving rate can be calculated.

[edit] Exogenous growth model

The exogenous growth model (or neoclassical growth model) of Robert Solow and others places emphasis on the role of technological change. Unlike the Harrod-Domar model, the saving rate will only determine the level of income but not the rate of growth. The sources-of-growth measurement obtained from this model highlights the relative importance of capital accumulation (as in the Harrod-Domar model) and technological change (as in the Neoclassical model) in economic growth. The original Solow (1957) study showed that technological change accounted for almost 90 percent of U.S. economic growth in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Empirical studies on developing countries have shown different results (see Chen, E.K.Y.1979 Hyper-growth in Asian Economies).

Also see, Krugman (1994), who maintained that economic growth in East Asia was based on perspiration (use of more inputs) and not on inspiration (innovations) (Krugman, P., 1994 The Myth of Asia’s Miracle, Foreign Affairs, 73).

Even so, in our postindustrial economy, economic development, including in emerging countriesbusiness clusters is one of the strategies used. One well known example is Bangalore in India, where the software industry has been encouraged by government support including Software Technology Parks. is now more and more based on innovation and knowledge. Creating

[edit] Surplus labor

The Lewis-Ranis-Fei (LRF) Model of Surplus Labor is an economic development model and not an economic growth model. Economic models such as Big Push, Unbalanced Growth, Take-off, and so forth, are only partial theories of economic growth that address specific issues. LRF takes the peculiar economic situation in developing countries into account: unemployment and underemployment of resources (especially labor) and the dualistic economic structure (modern vs. traditional sectors). This model is a classical model because it uses the classical assumption of subsistence wage.

Here it is understood that the development process is triggered by the transfer of surplus labor in the traditional sector (e.g. agriculture) to the modern sector in which some significant economic activities have already begun. The modern sector entrepreneurs can continue to pay the transferred workers a subsistence wage because of the excess supply of labor from the traditional sector. The profits and hence investment in the modern sector will continue to rise and fuel further economic growth in the modern sector. This process will continue until the surplus labor in the traditional sector is used up, a situation in which the workers in the traditional sector would also be paid in accordance with their marginal product rather than subsistence wage.

The existence of surplus labor gives rise to continuous capital accumulation in the modern sector because (a) investment would not be eroded by rising wages as workers are continued to be paid subsistence wage, and (b) the average agricultural surplus (AAS) in the traditional sector will be channeled to the modern sector for even more supply of capital (e.g., new taxes imposed by the government or savings placed in banks by people in the traditional sector). In the LRF model, saving and investment are driving forces of economic development. This is in line with the Harrod-Domar model but in the context of less-developed countries. The importance of technological change would be reduced to enhancing productivity in the modern sector for even greater profitability and promoting productivity in the traditional sector so that more labor would be available of transfer.

[edit] Regional policy

In its broadest sense, policies of economic development encompass three major areas:

  • Governments undertaking to meet broad economic objectives such as price stability, high employment, and sustainable growth. Such efforts include monetary and fiscal policies, regulation of financial institutions, trade, and tax policies.
  • Programs that provide infrastructure and services such as highways, parks, affordable housing, crime prevention, and K-12 education.
  • Job creation and retention through specific efforts in business finance, marketing, neighborhood development, small business development, business retention and expansion, technology transfer, and real estate development. This third category is a primary focus of economic development professionals.

[edit] Economic developers

Economic development, which is thus essentially economics on a social level, has evolved into a professional industry of highly specialized practitioners. The practitioners have two key roles: one is to provide leadership in policy-making, and the other is to administer policy, programs, and projects. Economic development practitioners generally work in public offices on the state, regional, or municipal level, or in public-private partnerships organizations that may be partially funded by local, regional, state, or federal tax money. These economic development organizations (EDOs) function as individual entities and in some cases as departments of local governments. Their role is to seek out new economic opportunities and retain their existing business wealth.

There are numerous other organizations whose primary function is not economic development work in partnership with economic developers. They include the news media, foundations, utilities, schools, health care providers, faith-based organizations, and colleges, universities, and other education or research institutions.

With more than 20,000 professional economic developers employed world wide in this highly specialized industry, the International Economic Development Council [IEDC] [3] headquartered in Washington, D.C. is a non-profit organization dedicated to helping economic developers do their job more effectively and raising the profile of the profession. With over 4,500 members across the US and internationally, serving exclusively the economic development community. Membership represents the entire range of the profession ranging from regional, state, local, rural, urban, and international economic development organizations, as well as chambers of commerce, technology development agencies, utility companies, educational institutions, consultants and redevelopment authorities. Many individual states also have associations comprising economic development professionals and they work closely with IEDC.

There is intense competition between communities, states, and nations for new economic development projects in today's globalized world, and the struggle to attract and retain business is further intensified by the use of many variations of economic incentives to the potential business such as; tax incentives, help with investment capital, donated land and many others. IEDC places significant attention on the various activities undertaken by economic development organizations to help them compete and sustain vibrant communities.

Additionally, the use of community profiling tools and database templates to measure community assets versus other communities is also an important aspect of economic development. Job creation, economic output, and increase in taxable basis are the most common measurement tools. When considering measurement, too much emphasis has been placed on economic developers for "not creating jobs." However, the reality is that economic developers do not typically create jobs, but facilitate the process for existing businesses and start-ups to do so. Therefore, the economic developer must make sure that there are sufficient economic development programs in place to assist the businesses achieve their goals. Those types of programs are usually policy-created and can be local, regional, statewide and national in nature.

[edit] Development by GDP

World map showing GDP real growth rates for 2007.

North America, even though one of the slowest growing continents, has stable growth. Most of the faster growing economies are in the Caribbean.

South America has a Boom and Bust growth with high followed by recession growth, most notable in Brazil, however growth has been stabilizing and the whole continent is growing.

Africa has seen the fastest growing but also the slowest growing/declining. From the oil fields which made Angola the 3rd fastest growing country in the world, to Zimbabwe the slowest growing and declining country in the world. Oil in Africa has created 'wealth spots' were a few countries have exceeded their neighbors in wealth. Out of the 10 fastest growing countries in the world, 3 were African. Some countries have in the past been the fastest growing in the world. Equatorial Guinea reached 75% growth in 2004 because of oil reserves.

Europe has one of the most stable growth. After the fall of the Soviet Union, there was a period of economic decline in Eastern Europe over the 1990s, followed by recovery in the 2000s. The region is now experiencing growth, particularly in those countries that have recently joined the European Union. If the Caucasus were included, Europe would be one of the fastest growing continents in the world. Most countries are growing at a medium speed however many smaller countries exceed 7% and grow exceptionally faster than their neighbors. Out of the 10 fastest growing countries in the world, 1 is in Europe.

Overall in the 20th century Asia was seen as the area with most growth, however in the 21st century, most of this has been dominated by China, but some spots of growth are starting to appear in East and even South Asia. Most nations with high populations have seen high growth especially. Out of the 10 fastest growing countries 3 were directly in Asia. And 3 indirectly or partially.

Meanwhile Oceania has seen moderate growth. The only exceptional growth in Oceania has been on Vanuatu.

Some countries have negative growth, most often due to ongoing wars or hyperinflation. These countries include Palestinean territories, Zimbabwe, Fiji and Chad.